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Syrian Folk Jewelry
Traditionally the most important material
for jewellery was silver, but for poorer people copper and bronze were
also used. Silver gilt and gold were less common and used only in
exceptional cases. Precious stones played no part in folk jewelry, but
semi-precious stones occur occasionally. Cornelian, agate, turquoise
and amber were the first choice, and magical properties were attributed
to them?
because of their colours. Consequently glass beads
of the same colours could be substituted.
choice,
and magical properties were attributed
to them?
because of their colours.
Consequently glass beads of the same colours could be substituted.
Jewellery's function
as a savings bank and insurance
policy is particularly apparent in the frequent use of unaltered coins
as pendants, arranged in rows on headbands, in earrings etc. The
economic Importance of jewellery is further demonstrated by the fact
that it was produced in large quantities
meant to be worn as an ensemble. Here
the quantity of jewellery and its weight
were more important than the quality
of the craftsmanship. Temple pendants, armlets and anklets were usually
worn in pairs. The most important
indication of quality was the silver content. Since no silver was mined
in the region, the raw material was obtained by melting down worn-out
old jewellery and coins. Besides Ottoman coins, Maria Theresa dollars
were particularly popular because of their high silver content. In the
present century they were still being struck in Vienna specially for the
oriental market. Both Mershen and Weir, writing of Jordan and Palestine
respectively, note that since the 1940s the production silver jewellery
has been largely supplanted by gold jewellery in a rather
uniform style. This is basically due to the
"drastic economic change in the first
half of this century. According to Mershen, in the 1960s the production
ol silver jewellery
in Jordan had largely ceased.
According to my sources of information, the substitution of gold for
silver jewellery probably took place in Syria at about the same time.
As mentioned in the
previous chapter, there are very few silversmiths still working in
Syria, in Damascus and Deir ez-Zor. I
observed that the silversmiths of Deir
ez-Zor can only produce a very limited amount of work because the
lack of their raw material, silver. The silversmiths still working
today therefore basically restrict themselves to repair
work.
It is extremely difficult
to draw the line between Syrian folk Jewellery and the jewellery of the
neighbouring regions, as traditions of late antiquity
and Byzantium are still just as
apparent as those of the Near East. Syrian jewellery, however, also
shows influences of Egyptian, Palestinian and Yemenite jewellery, as
well as of jewellery from present- day Turkey, the Caucasus,
Iran and Central Asia. The folk
jewellery of the region thus reflects
Syria's extensive trading contacts and the very heterogeneous
composition of the Syrian population. The armlets and anklets especially
show types similar to those found all over the Arabian Peninsula and
beyond as far as the Arab-influenced East African coast - but there is
no connection with the jewellery of Arab North Africa.
Antoine
Touma's collection, which he bought in Syria, contains many
objects which have been classified by Weir as typical of the Palestinian
bedouins and are described by Mershen
as characteristic of the folk
jewellery of Jordan. A large quantity
of tightly fitting necklaces consisting of elements chased in matrices
are described by Mershen as typical of the
Kerak/Madaba region in Jordan. They too are found in
this collection. Clearly they were worn all over Syria. Chains of the
type called "Jerusalem chains" also make up a sizeable proportion of
necklaces found in Syria. Other individual parts too, such as
crescent-shaped pendants on jewellery, are found in the same form all
over old Bilad
esh-Sham (i.e. modern Syria, Jordan,
Lebanon and Palestine).
Despite differences in
detail, the remarkable uniformity makes it possible to speak of a
"Syrian" region in jewellery. This is probably due in part to the fact
that this jewellery was only produced at a very few production centres.
In Syria these are known to be Damascus,
Aleppo and
Deir ez-Zor, in Jordan they are
Kerak and
Irbid, while the
most important production centre in Palestine was Jerusalem. Another
reason may be tlie mobility of the
craftsmen. As we saw in tlie previous
chapter, the
craftsmen were mainly Christians,
witli a high percentage
of Armenians, who had immigrated from regions outside Syria, and Jews.
The Jewish element may explain the evident Yemenite influence in Syrian
folk jewellery. Another important reason for the uniformity of the
jewellery most probably is the
mobility of the population, particularly of the nomads.
Few pieces of jewellery
are signed by the craftsmen. Our collection includes some from Damascus
and Deir ez-Zor. By now it should have become clear that any classification
. of jewellery according to particular
tribes or local groups is extremely
difficult, if not impossible. It is more feasible to give information
about the places of production, but this by no
means indicates that the jewellery
was necessarily worn there as well. In most cases it is possible to
categorize the jewellery according to the larger economic sectors -
urban, agricultural or pastoral- although here too the transitions from
one sector to another are as fluid as the transitions between the
economic groups themselves. A nomad woman, who had become sedentary,
would still wear her nomadic jewellery.
Even the perusal of old travel accounts do not help us any further in finding
classifications. Even otherwise
meticulous observers only state that
there were many silversmiths in
Damascus or Aleppo, and that
jewellery was commonly worn, but their descriptions are not sufficient
for any categorization. To some extent this may be because not much
importance was attached to folk jewellery, but it is certainly also due
to the fact that male travellers had no opportunity to see women's
jewellery, which was mostly hidden under clothing. Even old photographs
are not much help. The few surviving photographs which show jewellery
being worn, such as those ofBonfils,
are studio shots. We cannot assume therefore that the jewellery shown
actually belonged with the costumes.
Apart from enhancing the
female beauty and simultaneously being an
important
means of investment (frontal jewellery, ear jewellery, temple jewellery,
armlets, anklets, earrings and - for bedouin women - nose rings), jewellery
also had another important function: it was used as amulets. Apart from
a large number of small amulets, the significance of which in some
instances can be traced back to the traditions of the ancient Near East
(e.g. holed-disc
amulets), there is a
large group of typically Islamic amulets, the
hidshabs. These are containers
for texts from the Koran, magic squares or blessings, which may be
cylindrical, triangular or rectangular, or - more rarely - round or
octagonal in shape. Often they were sewn onto the clothing. More
frequently, however, several of them are combined (e.g. triangular and
cylindrical shapes) and attached to chains to be worn round the neck or
across the shoulder.
The most important type of functional jewellery is
the belt. The use of belts is much more widespread in Syria than in most
other parts of the Islamic world. The characteristic forms of belts are
basically derived from the Ottoman tradition.
In particular, the very large, almond-or
hoteh-s^aped belt clasps
are found in Ottoman folk jewellery as far as the European parts of the
former Ottoman Empire
(Bulgaria, Greece, Albania).
Just as there are
difficulties in ascribing particular forms of jewellery to specific
regions, it is also difficult to date them. Some individual pieces in
the Touma Collection were certainly
made in the eighteenth century, but the majority dates from from the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The basic forms, however,
are much
older.
They can frequently be traced back to the time or the
Fatimids, Ay
u bids and
-Mamluks, that is, to Syrian and
Egyptian jewellery from the tenth to
the fifteenth century.
Because of these difficulties
the most practical way of presenting
the jewellery in this
catalogue seemed to be by classifying
it according to the way it was worn.
Any attribution to particular ethnic or religious groups, such as the
Kurds or the Druzes, is given only
when there is firm evidence.
Information about specific production
sites is based on workshop inscriptions or plausible information
obtained on the spot.
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