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Textile
Stories
Brocade, atlas and damask - these costly fabrics
have
been directly related
to Syria's
textile luxury. The wealth and reputation
of Syrian
cities
and their suqs were
based on them, and their variety and fine quality have aroused
admiration and enthusiasm in visitors of all periods. read more
Besides
textiles made in Syria itself, fabrics fabrics from a great variety of
countries were also imported, enriching the selection available. The cities
were located at major intersections and their existence was based on their
role as
centres for long-distance trade between India, the Far East
and the Mediterranean. Until the beginning of
the nineteenth century trade relations with Europe were of
equal importance
to those with -Mesopotamia,
the Arabian Peninsula, Persia,
Egypt and the more far-reaching
links with Africa,
India,
Central Asia
and the Far East.
Volney, who stayed in Syria at the end of the
eighteenth century, describes Aleppo as the most important entrepot for
trade with Armenia and Turkey. Caravans were sent from Aleppo to Baghdad and
Persia. The connection with India
was via
Basra and the Persian
Gulf, and with Egypt and Mecca via Damascus.
Aleppine trade
with Europe went through the ports of
Alexandretta and
Latakia. Among the
most important trading goods mentioned by Volney are textiles of wool or
other native yarns, coarser fabrics,
which were woven in the countryside, fine silk cloths made in Aleppo, cotton
from India, muslin from Iraq and scarves from Kashmir. Other travellers in
their turn praise the brocades from Damascus.
Textile
production, with all the supply industries connected with it, was always the
most important economic sector not only in the Syrian cities but also in
many other cities throughout the Islamic world. The great demand for
textiles of all sorts arose from the special importance that textiles
had and still have in the material and social context in the Islamic world.
Considering the range of fabrics and die
manner in which they were used, it is tempting to speak of a "textile
culture". There was an enormous demand for fabrics not only from the court
and the palaces, but also from the urban population, especially the upper
class. This was not only for clothing but. also for interior decoration,
which mainly consisted of textiles. When
Browne visited
Damascus at the .end
of the eighteenth
century he described
houses with "divans and large
sofas of the richest
silk
ornamented with
beads" (Browne 1800: 568-69).
This
demand for textiles was matched by the
demanc for labour. A large part of the urban
population earned
their
living by working
in the textile sector. Browne
remarks of Damascus: "Damascus is the seat of a
considerable trade and its manufactures feed a large number of Mohammedans
and Christians. They produce silk and cotton goods..." (Browne, 1800: 552)
The history
of textile
production in
Syria goes back a long way. It was determined
essentially
by two factors. One was Syria's geographical position as a bridgehead
between the Mediterranean world and the Near and Middle East, which
determined its historical and political destiny. This meant that, except for
a few periods, it was always part of the great empires or a bone of
contention.
between them. Until the Arab Conquest and the
establishment of the Umayyad
Caliphate in the seventh and eighth centuries textile production in Syria
was dominated by Hellenistic,
and later Byzantine and Sassanian
traditions:
heavy
Persian and Byzantine fabrics,
silks from
Antioch,
purple textiles from Tyre and fine
Alexandrian fabrics were much in demand. Trade
in textiles
between Byzantium and the Sassanians
was, however, under strict
supervision, and the export of embroideries from
Susa, for example,
or of Byzantine purple fabrics was restricted. The Arab Conquest, the spread
of Islam and the establishment of the Caliphate meant the disappearance of
frontiers, restrictions and controls. An open market in culture and trade
extended from the Mediterranean to India and Central Asia. Within it
craftsmen, goods, techniques and styles could circulate freely and influence
each other. Textile production was determined by new markets and new
requirements. Islamic textiles brought together the legacies of Byzantium
and the Sassanians,
and absorbed influences from India and Central Asia, as well as from China.
At the same time they developed their own very individual style. With the
Arab Conquest Syria became an important centre for the production of
textiles in the Islamic world.
The
second determining factor for textile production in Syria was (and is) the
access to raw materials. Two of these, linen and wool, had been available
since time immemorial. Linen was mostly imported from Egypt, and wool was
supplied by the nomads of the Syrian
steppes and deserts. Silk and cotton, on the other hand, were raw materials
new to the Mediterranean world and for a long time they had to be imported.
The control of raw materials and the trade routes along which they were
conveyed was a major political concern. Silk, especially, and the luxurious
fabrics made from it, was not only a necessary accessory for the whims and
lifestyle
of a particular social class, it was also of decisive economic and political
importance.
Syria's
geography was favourable for the introduction of silk at the beginning of
the sixth century in the northern regions and the
Orontes plain, as
well as the cultivation of cotton, particularly in the region between
Hama and
Aleppo and on the
upper Euphrates. A typical product of Syria was, therefore, a mixed weave of
cotton and silk, often an atlas fabric with stripes running lengthwise, such
as alepin,
which is still produced today.
Just as
important as the raw materials
for the textiles were dyes. Before the age of chemistry the procuring of
natural materials for the production of dyes was time-consuming and
expensive. Dyeing was part of the enhancement of textiles and recipes and
dyeing techniques were guarded as jealously as the secret of silkworm
cultivation. The emergence
of the Islamic world changed and improved things considerably regarding
access to raw materials. The expansion of trade in the Islamic world and the
opportunities it opened up are illustrated by an anecdote told by
Saadi when lie
describes his meeting with a rich merchant on the island of
Kish (quoted in
Lombard 1978:162). The merchant confided to Saadi: "I would like to take
Persian saffron to China, where I have
heard one can obtain a good price for it, and then Chinese porcelain to
Byzantium, Byzantine
brocade to India, Indian steel to Aleppo,
Aleppine glass to
the Yemen and striped Yemeni textiles to Persia."
Silk: Wealth and Power
In antiquity silk was
still a rarity. For a long time people
did not even know exactly what silk was, since China
kept silkworm breeding and the production and processing of silk a strictly
guarded secret. It is not surprising that people made concentrated efforts
to discover this secret, or at least to control the trade routes along which
the silk came. Two important trade routes, branches of the Silk Road, ended
in Syria: one of the overland routes ran from Central Asia via Persia and
Iraq to Aleppo and on to Antioch.
The other was a sea-route from India across the Indian Ocean and the Persian
Gulf to Basra from where a land route could be taken either via Baghdad and
Mosul to Aleppo, or through the Syrian desert to Palmyra and thence to
Damascus and Tyre. from
Syria the silk trade was continued into the Mediterranean and Europe.
Rome
imported its silk from Syria and the Lebanon. The silk-dealers, or
sericarii
had their own quarter in Rome. To wear silk garments caused a sensation, and
the response was not always enthusiastic. For a time it was forbidden to wear
silk garments in the Senate, since they were
regarded as feminine
and therefore restricted to
women. The
Christians in Rome were even more unambiguous, declaring
that a true
Christian does not wear silk. But the
seductive character
o( the material was too great for these puritanical attitudes to prevail.
The wearing of silk garments
soon became
habitual, for the rich and powerful. When the Syrian potentate
Heliogabalus from
Homs visited
Rome at the beginning of the third century he is
supposed to have
been the first man to wear clothes made
entirely of silk.
For Rome
the silk trade became an important source of
revenue, but it remained dependent on Persia.
When Diocletian made peace with Persia in
297, the border and ;customs
post at Nisibis
became the hub of the silk trade between
the two empires. In 301 Diocletian fixed taxes and
prices for silk.
Palmyra, too, owed its rise to the silk trade.
Situated in the
middle of the Syrian desert, it was the most important
entrepot for the
caravan trade between the Euphrates and :he Mediterranean. During the energetic
rule of the legendary
Queen Zenobia,
in particular, this desert kingdom
ruled from Palmyra achieved wealth and
political importance.
There was trade not only in silk fabrics made in
china,
but raw silk was also imported
to be spun, woven, dyed
- and, of course, worn. Evidence of this is provided
by fragments of
textiles, including silk damask, found at
Palmyra. The style
of clothing (above all the women's ;costumes)
and jewellery seen in statues have in part
persisted to the
present day. But with the shift of trade "outes due to wars and the
resulting insecurity of the "outes, Palmyra's
heyday came to an end, and like so many
places in Syria it became a "dead city";
bedouins now rest in
the shade of its majestic ruins.
There are many stories about how silk was smuggled
out of
China. One of them tells how a Chinese princess,
when she married a
prince from Khotan,
took silk cocoons across
the border in her bridal coiffure to give
them to her future husband as a present.
Byzantium's most important suppliers of silk were
central
Asia and Persia. Duties and taxes made silk an
expensive raw
material that was difficult to obtain. In order to cater for the
demand of the Byzantine court, Justinian
istablished a
monopoly of silk processing, which was pracised exclusively in the state
gynaecea
(textile factories).
private
silk weavers were forced onto the black market.
When in 540 the
war with Persia cut off the supply of silk,
many Syrian and
Lebanese
silk-weavers emigrated immediately
to Persia. After their victory over Byzantium
the Persians
finally gained
control of the silk supply, which
led to a crisis in textile production in the gynaecea.
The secret of silk production was brought to Byzantium
by
two Nestorian
priests around 553. After a visit to their co-religionlsts in Central
Asia they
returned across the border
with the eggs of the silkworm moth concealed in their
walking sticks.
The leaves of the white mulberry tree, which grows in the Syrian and
Lebanese mountains, are the
staple food of the silkworms.
Silk-spinning
factories sprang up in Beirut, I Homs
and Hama.
Since this period the
production and processing of silk has been one of
the most important
factors in the economy of the Syrian and Lebanese region.
When the
Muslim
armies under Khalid
bin
al-Walid conquered
Damascus, lie
seized
three hundred camel-loads
of silk. The tribute paid to him amounted to 10,000 gold pieces and 200 silk
garments. Like the early Christians in Rome the first Muslims regarded the
use of silk as a luxury that was detrimental
to true religion,
but in fact silk now became indispensable
for the Umayyad
court, just as it had been for the Roman emperors. This was often
disapproved of: a Bedouin princess from the Euphrates region is said to
have told her husband, Muawiya,
that wearing a Bedouin cloak in the midst of her relatives would make her
happier
than all the silk at the court of Damascus.
.The
conquest of Persia not only made the Islamic world a serious
rival to China in silk production, it also
meant that it controlled the most important routes of
the Silk Road, giving
it the
monopoly of the silk trade. Like the Byzantines
before
them, the caliphs
and later Muslim
rulers established state workshops for their own requirements, but without
closing down the private workshops. The general name given to the textiles
made in these workshops is tiraz.
Fatimid
Egypt was famous for them. Textiles played an important role in the politics
of gift-giving of the Muslim rulers. Honorific garments were bestowed and
precious cloths were horded. Garments and valuable cloths were passed down
from generation to generation together with the stories of how they were
acquired. The detailed knowledge about the variety and provenance of
textiles as well as the need for luxury textiles is very marked: "May God
cover me with striped cloaks from the Yemen, with linen
cloths
from Egypt,
brocades from Byzantium,
with silk from Susa
and China,
Persian garments and capes from Isfahan,
with atlas silk from Baghdad and turban cloths from
Ubull,... with
Armenian breeches...
and with velvet from Merv.
May God load me with carpets, with large carpets from
Qaliqala and
Maisan, with
mats from Baghdad." Such was the desire of a well-to-do Muslim in the
eleventh century (quoted in Eombard,
1987: 180).
The
terms used for the cloths and garments made from them give an idea of the
wide range of textile production. The names refer to the places where the
textiles were made, or to the materials, their weave, embroidery, and much
more. Tins
information
can be used to trace the place of origin
of
particular cloths and techniques as well as their distribution
(and imitation).
Talented 'artisans
with the necessary knowledge were very much in demand and were requested to
work for the courts. Their skill was often their undoing. After wars the
victors very often took them by force to their courts. This
explains
the sudden appearance or disappearance of particular fabrics and techniques
in various
regions of
the Islamic
world. Lor
example, Chinese silk-weavers
were brought to Kufa
by the Abbasids (Chehab,
1967). After his campaign in 1401 Timur
"confiscated the damascene
silk-weavers
and other artisans and took them back with him to Central Asia (Lombard,
1987).
Much care was expended on the production
of the raw material and the control of the finished product. In sources from
the end of the twelfth
century we find
instructions on the cultivation of-
cotton and flax, silkworm breeding, dye making, etc. Manuals for market
overseers contain detailed information of procedures in the case of
falsification of fabrics and dyes.
Kremer noted in the mid-nineteenth century that
"silk is weighed under judicial,
supervision" (1855:8).
Sources
describing the specific contexts in which textiles were used show why
textiles play such an outstanding role in Islamic culture. It is in the
nature of the sources that they concentrate particularly on the courts and
the urban upper class. They tell us about the fashions and practices
at the courts, the requirements of the urban population, the circulation of
textiles in social contexts, such as weddings or on special
occasions, and the distribution of textiles as a sign
of recognition
or expression
of benevolence from the powerful to their
subordinates
(Scarce, 1989; Lombard, 1987). Certain fabrics, patterns and dyes were
reserved for the Muslim rulers; the court and dignitaries, particular social
groups and religious minorities had their own turban cloths
and were
governed by precise dress regulations. Particularly in the urban milieu
clothes regulations were a concrete expression of social relationships, a
reflection of traditional norms and values, as well as of the fashions of
the time. The issuing of such regulations was a political
instrument whose
power should not be underestimated. All this demonstrates the value Islamic
culture attached to textiles,
both materially
and spiritually.
But not only was the use of particular textiles integrated into a cultural
pattern of life, this
was also true of their
production.
The organization of work was determined by the old crafts. Tills
resulted in the interdependence of the various individual craftsmen
involved in the making of a textile, and thus in the emergence of close,
social and work relationships, and in a necessary sense of solidarity. The
economic life of the craftsmen and hence of a whole social fabric is thus
dependent on the continuity of a whole cultural pattern in which the
textiles have their place and which gives these objects their social and
cultural character. It is only against this background that the scale of the
changes which set in at the end of the nineteenth century can be gauged
The
integration of Syria into the expanding European markets in the second third
of the nineteenth Century, marked the beginning of far- reaching
socioeconomic
changes which were to have repercussions particularly on die
textile industry.
Syria was discovered
as a new market for European industrial fabrics, and the treaties concluded
after 1838 between several European states and the Ottoman Empire
ensured very favorable export conditions
for their goods. The European consuls had the right to observe the market
situation on the spot, defend the interests of their
governments and
grant
a
number of special
privileges to the local Christians in order to secure and deepen business
contacts. At the same time Syria became an important supplier of silk as a
raw material, especially
for the French silk industry
in Lyon.
The region that is now Lebanon was the principal supplier for the French
market, and silk was the staple commodity in the port of Beirut, whence it
was shipped to Marseille.
Silk once again became a political issue. In Syria the number of newly
planted mulberry trees increased rapidly, and in regions which had been
regarded as1
secondary silk-producing areas, such as the district around
Safita,
production was intensified. At favourable altitudes many peasants began to
plant mulberry instead of their
olive or fruit trees. But after 1930, when the demand for Syrian (Lebanese)
silk collapsed and the silk industry
in Lyon went into
decline,
many peasants who had switched to sericulture faced financial ruin. The
reeling of the silk, in so far as it was done in Syria at all, was
mechanized. Many Armenian women worked in the silk spinning workshops. Much
French capital was invested in these enterprises and the
machinery
needed was imported from France. A number of Syrian businessmen who were in
close contact with Lyon founded factories
or mechanized their textile production. Some of the factories still use
machines from this period. The flooding of the market with cheap British
fabrics, as well as the shortage and increased price of raw materials for
the traditional sector led to a drastic decline in Syrian textile
production: in Damascus, between 1830 and 1850, it was reduced by almost a
half, and the production of traditional articles fell by almost three
quarters. Kremer
(1854:21) lamented (somewhat inaccurately): "The
diwans which were
formerly covered with brocade, which, however, became famous under the name
of damask, are now covered with Lnglish
calico." In the towns people began to wear European dress.
Nevertheless, the Syrian textile Industry still managed to defend as share
in the market. It was able to do so by increased concentration on the local
markets, by supplying them with customary fabrics, by introducing cheaper
imitations of traditional cloths, by making structural changes, such as
processing industrial raw materials (e.g., yarns) imported
from Europe, and by establishing specialized centres of production in the
cities. Aleppo,
for example, switched to the production of cheaper varieties of traditional
striped materials, to processing more cotton, and it remained the centre of
dyeing in Syria. Damascus specialized on the making of expensive textiles
such as gold brocade and silks, and concentrated on wool, some of which was
used for
making Bedouin cloaks. In Homs,
on the other hand, the typical heavy silk cloths with patterns in gold and
silver threads were still woven for the peasant and nomad clientele.
The
second serious setback for the traditional textile sector in
Syria was a consequence of the Second
World War and, more generally, of the
modern development and industrialization of Syria which came with
independence .
read more
Damascene brocade.
Damascene damask
The production of
fabrics The twister
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